Islamic radicalism

Is Western foreign policy to blame for the ‘European migrant crisis’?

Over the last few weeks, the British public have been well-informed of the harrowing experiences faced by migrants travelling to Europe in an attempt to escape the harsh realities in their homeland. As a result, the media frenzy over the ‘European migrant crisis’ has not only raised fears across the continent over the safety and wellbeing of the incoming migrants, but has also led to an increase in xenophobia towards the thousands of escapees in search of a better life. In Britain there has been a growing apprehension and antipathy aimed in the direction of migrants, swayed by a refusal to accept their newfound habitation in the European Union. This view is somewhat epitomised by David Cameron’s use of the word ‘swarm’ in describing the numbers of people crossing the Mediterranean Sea in search of security in Europe.

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But should Britain and its Western compatriots shoulder some of the blame for the recent influx of migrants to the European Union? In answering my own question, Yes. Of course the West should hold a significant amount of responsibility for the crisis.

First and foremost, while the crisis is commonly being described as an issue concerning ‘migrants,’ in reality a huge percentages of those arriving in Europe are in actual fact refugees seeking asylum. This would suggest that the people arriving in the EU are generally not in search of the financial benefits that the region has to offer – as the term ‘migrant’ has often implied. Rather, people have fled from the horrors of violent conflicts, or political and social persecution in their countries of origin.

However, most importantly the majority of the people claiming refuge have directly (or indirectly) been affected by the often self-seeking foreign policies of the West outside of the EU. The highest number of migrants that have travelled to Europe are from Syria. Since the turn of the year, over 100,000 people have fled from the destructive Syrian Civil War, which has seen the country torn between the regime of Bashar al-Assad and armed militia, including the new proponent of Islamic radicalism the Islamic State of Iraq and Syria (ISIS). Although the West have stopped short of armed intervention in the civil war, the United States and Britain have consistently bolstered the Syrian opposition by supplying intelligence, training and ammunition to groups fighting against the government. This has only helped to excerabate the severity of the conflict, and further tarnish the lives of civilians in Syria.

syrian_refugee_photo__2014_03_21_h12m42s44__DSAfghans also constitute a significant number of refugees arriving in the EU, largely due to the fallout from the US and NATO led War in Afghanistan. The conflict – which was motivated by the September 11 attacks, has caused widespread devastation across the country. Fourteen years later the war continues to plague the citizens of Afghanistan, with the somewhat unsuccessful removal of the Taliban proving in hindsight to be a costly and ruinous venture for the West. According to the United Nations Human Rights Council (UNHRC), over 2 million people have been classified as refugees since hostilities began in Afghanistan.

Like in Syria and Afghanistan, recent Western involvement in Libya and Iraq has extended the extirpation of civil society across the Middle East and North Africa, and as a result has increased the number of refugees entering the EU. In 2011, NATO intervened against the Libyan dictator Muammar Gaddafi following his apparent refusal to cease actions against civilians that the West considered as ‘crimes against humanity.’ Three years later, with the help of his Western allies Barack Obama would also initiate another offensive in Iraq against the growing influence of ISIS in the north of the country.

In both conflicts, the West have to some extent been successful in achieving their military objectives. With that said, the West have also proliferated the humanitarian crisis in Iraq and Libya, and have played a decisive role in worsening the living conditions of civilians. In Iraq alone, the UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs estimates that roughly 5.2 million people now need humanitarian assistance, including food, shelter, clean water, sanitation services, and education support. Furthermore, the demise of national order and security within Libya is embodied by the fact that migrants are repeatedly using its northern border as an escape route to Europe. Incredibly, in August 4000 people travelling from Libya were saved from boats off the coast of the country in what has been described as one of the largest rescue missions during the ‘crisis.’

Away from the Middle East and Libya a growing number of refugees continue to emigrate from Eritrea, which is recognised by the UN to have one of the worst records for human rights. In recent months, thousands of Eritreans have escaped to the shores of Italy in response to the oppressive, single-party state under Isaias Afwerki. However, despite the West’s insistence on protecting the liberties of people across the world – as demonstrated in its exploits in the Middle East and Libya, the plight of the Eritrean people has largely been ignored by Western policymakers and its mainstream media. This is typified by the fact that reports on the European migrant ‘crisis’ have scarcely mentioned the amount of Eritreans entering the EU or the reasoning behind their escape. Unlike in the Middle East and Libya, Eritrea does not present itself as a ‘goldmine’ of natural resources, and as a consequence Eritrea falls outside of the West’s economic and political interests.

As the members of the EU scramble to find a solution to the migrant ‘crisis,’ a multitude of people will continue to risk their lives  to leave behind the trials and tribulations they face in their homelands. Europe has now become the ‘promise land’ for many of the migrants escaping their mother countries, with approximately 340,000 men, women and children having already journeyed through cruel and unsavoury terrain towards the EU border. However, many have now perished in the most inhumane of circumstances on the road to a safer environment that they could one day call home. But will there be a robust resolution to the European migrant ‘crisis’? It is unclear. What is certain is that the West must accept considerable accountability for the plight of migrants and take the necessary steps to make certain that they are given the protection they deserve in Europe. Going forward, it is vital that the West re-evaluate the measures used in relation to its foreign policy and ensure that lessons are learned to avoid a migrant crisis on this scale from occurring in the future.

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Is the world still concerned that over 200 schoolgirls remain missing in Nigeria?…

Once Michelle Obama joined the worldwide calls for the restoration of the missing schoolgirls in Nigeria – mercilessly kidnapped by the Islamist militant group Boko Haram, it appeared that the ‘Bring Back Our Girls’ campaign had successfully galvanised the world’s leaders into actioning the swift return of the young children. However despite a growing international concern and the various measures implemented by the Nigerian government in rectifying the predicament, as of yet the schoolgirls remain in captivity. Thus, compounded by the fact that nearly four months have passed since the baneful kidnappings, are we to conclude that the world no longer cares that 200 schoolgirls linger within the hands of an organisation identified as a ‘terrorist’ group and a global threat?

Bring-Back-Our-Girls-Michelle-ObamaWhat is for the certain is that we are aware of where the abducted schoolgirls are located – at least theoretically. On 26 May 2014, a Nigerian military official confirmed that they had ‘found’ the missing girls, yet for security reasons they could not disclose their whereabouts nor could they use force to rescue them due to the possibility of ‘collateral damage.’

However, it appears that this was a disguise for the evident ineffectiveness of the Nigerian government, who have not only failed to curb and address the actions of Boko Haram in the past (let alone in this instance) but have also allowed the Islamic group to commit over a dozen other crimes throughout the country since the abduction, including the assassination of a Muslim leader in Borno state and the seizure of the vice-prime minister’s wife. As a matter of fact, the Chibok schoolgirl kidnappings is just another episode within a catalogue of atrocities instigated by the radicals and in conjunction, is another example of the incompetence of Goodluck Jonathan and his regime in quelling Boko Haram’s growing influence in Nigeria. The conclusion of the Nigerian inquest into the kidnapping at the end of June epitomised the toothlessness of the Nigerian government, with their findings simply acknowledging the number of girls still under confinement.

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If the lacklustre attempts of the Nigerian government raises questions over whether the return of the kidnapped schoolgirls remains a priority, the actions of the world’s leaders only adds salt to the assumption that the world has turned its back on the students. Undeniably, the ‘Bring Back Our Girls’ campaign led to widespread media coverage and raised attention of the kidnapping on an unprecedented scale, however since the world’s celebrities erected their photographs online displaying their banners of protest, the international emphathy has dramatically dwindled. In the short-term, many nations – including the United States and United Kingdom, offered support in the form of intelligence experts to aid the Nigerian’s in their search for the young children. Though, in the long-term the missing schoolgirls have largely dissapeared from the subconscious of the international political and social arenas and have become a distant memory in response to the advent of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, the Ebola outbreak and ultimately other pressing internal and external issues. Similarities can be made between the ‘Bring Back Our Girls’ and ‘Kony 2012’ campaigns, both of which became worldwide phenomena overnight but fundamentally depreciated due to a lack of perpetual support for the respective causes in the long haul.

So, is the world still concerned that over 200 schoolgirls remain missing in Nigeria? seemingly not, however it is important that we continue to raise awareness of the abducted students and not confine the crimes of Boko Haram into the abyss of unsolved mysteries. Importantly, although we live in the world where news is constantly changing, we should grow to become more vigilant in sustaining our campaigns against the atrocities we witness – wherever it may be in the world, as people power (as in this case) has proved in past to be an affective lobbying tool in determining the actions of politicians. However, we must refrain from our Western-centric perceptions and apprehend that the plight of anyone in world is parallel to our own understanding of how people should be treated, particularly when it concerns children. Ultimately though, we can only begin to imagine what the reaction would be if over 200 girls went missing at the hands of ‘terrorists’ in the Western world...